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EL PASO — Border residents will celebrate Juneteenth on Saturday by pushing back against what critics see as Texas Gov. Greg Abbott’s inflammatory anti-immigrant rhetoric, dismissing it as mere political theater that endangers their community.

“The words by Governor Abbott are very unfortunate because it’s a part of a political game to energize his conservative base by calling for more walls and using words like ‘invasion,’” said Fernando Garcia, executive director of the Border Network for Human Rights, which is organizing the event. “But it’s also a dangerous narrative that puts a lot of families at the border at risk.”

On Saturday, Garcia and his network will host a number of El Paso immigrant rights activists, political and religious leaders and migrants at the eighth “Hugs not Walls” event. For a few minutes, undocumented immigrants will be allowed to reunite with their Mexican relatives at the Rio Grande, under the watchful eyes of U.S. immigration authorities.

The gathering this year is taking place on Juneteenth, with plans for Black and Mexican American leaders to speak at the same event. President Joe Biden signed legislation Thursday making Juneteenth a federal holiday commemorating the end of slavery in the United States.

“This is done intentionally to show unity in our struggles as brown and Black communities,” Garcia said. “We will come together in a much-needed space in search of solidarity, hope, love, humanity and care for our maligned communities.”

The gathering, expected to draw hundreds, comes as political rhetoric about migration and the border heats up in Austin and beyond. Later this month, former President Donald Trump, who made a border wall his signature campaign promise, plans to visit the border at the invitation of Abbott. Republicans across the country have unloaded on the Biden administration for creating what they say is a “crisis,” an increase in the number of migrants arriving at the border to a level not seen in 20 years.

This week, Abbott and Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, both Republicans, took a page out of Trump’s playbook and likened those arrivals to an invasion.

Abbott wants a wall and wants Americans to pay for it, with a $250 million down payment in state money and a crowdsourcing campaign. But Texas doesn’t have jurisdiction to enforce immigration laws because they are the sole responsibility of the federal government.

Patrick spoke of an invasion while explaining the need for the state to build a wall and arrest migrants on trespassing charges, something immigration experts say is legally questionable.

“We are being invaded. That term has been used in the past, but it’s never been more true,” Patrick said at a Capitol news conference Wednesday to flesh out Abbott’s plan to build a wall.

Abbott cited immigration as one reason he signed a bill into law Thursday that lets people carry handguns in Texas without a license. Invoking the Alamo, the historic San Antonio mission where the signing ceremony took place, Abbott said firearms are needed to defend against attacks.

“The very same principle exists today. Just look at the ranchers who live in South Texas, who are being invaded on a daily basis by people coming across the border,” Abbott said. “They need to have a gun to be able to defend themselves against cartels and gangs and other very dangerous people. There is a need for people to have a weapon to defend themselves.”

The rhetoric from state leaders is further polarizing this sun-kissed border region with its bits of jarring wall that cut through an area long connected by culture, history and economics. The talk and the gun law are worrying residents, who know the possible consequences all too well.

“If people die again, blood will be on your hands,” U.S. Rep. Veronica Escobar, D-El Paso, said in a statement Wednesday condemning Abbott’s and Patrick’s remarks.

Abbott’s office didn’t directly answer questions about his rhetoric. Instead, his spokeswoman, Renae Eze, criticized the Biden administration for “reckless open border policies,” which she said “have led to a crisis along our southern border.” Patrick’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Before Abbott, a We Build The Wall group that touted its ties to Trump organized a private effort to crowdfund a border wall. It didn’t go well. The effort raised more than $25 million and constructed about 3 miles of fence, including at Sunland Park, N.M., on the border with Texas. Last year, four people involved in the project, including Steve Bannon, a top former Trump adviser, were charged with defrauding hundreds of donors. Trump later pardoned Bannon.

The online fundraising effort in the summer of 2019 referred to an “invasion” of migrants. Its last live event, which featured Donald Trump Jr., came just days before the Aug. 3, 2019, mass shooting at a Walmart in El Paso. A shooter targeting Mexicans drove about 650 miles in 10 hours from North Texas to kill 23 people at the store. He wrote that he intended to stop the “Hispanic invasion of Texas.”

The grim anniversary is just weeks away, and some El Pasoans who witnessed the shooting, or lost relatives, continue to cope with trauma from the massacre, fighting through anxiety and depression and against apathy. It was the worst attack against Mexican Americans in modern history.

Many residents say they feel their binational culture remains misunderstood and they worry about more anti-Mexican violence.

Adria Gonzalez was in the Walmart when the shots rang out, and she mobilized people to help her mother and dozens of other shoppers to safety. Inside her home is a framed certificate — signed by Abbott — recognizing her as a “Yellow Rose of Texas” for her bravery that day.

These days, Gonzalez has mixed feelings about Abbott. If anyone needs and wants border security, it’s the people who live on the border, she said. But like many others, she feels that permitless guns and walls are not the way to do it.

“There’s still hate. There’s still racism,” and her community remains a “piñata,” she said. “I think things have gotten worse.”

“We don’t need walls. We need education,” she said. “We don’t need permitless guns. We need gun control. … Don’t they understand what happened at Walmart that Saturday morning when this sick young man came? How can Governor Abbott say we don’t need a permit? Yes, we do. Hasn’t he seen the news? What’s happening in Austin?”

Gonzalez recalled how last Saturday she was on the phone with her niece, a student at the University of Texas at Austin, advising her where to run after a mass shooting downtown that day, just as Gonzalez had run the morning of the El Paso shootings.

Gonzalez broke down in tears and walked away to her bedroom as she recounted that day, returning with a black T-shirt she had worn at the Walmart. It was emblazoned with a picture of the Mexican wrestler El Santos, the Saint. She hasn’t worn it since.

“Don’t forget what happened here,” she said. “Let’s not forget this.”

After the mass shooting in El Paso in 2019 and one the same month in Midland-Odessa, Abbott and Patrick seemed willing to consider tightening gun laws. But they backed off this year after their party kept control of the Legislature.

Instead, a slew of bills were passed further loosening the state’s already permissive gun laws. Barely any of the gun safety bills pushed by El Paso lawmakers became law. Few got a public hearing.

Abbott has faced outcry before for his rhetoric about immigration. A campaign mailer that called on supporters to “defend” Texas at the border was dated a day before the shooter drove to El Paso. As he sat next to Patrick at a safety commission meeting in El Paso on Aug. 29, 2019, Abbott conceded before El Paso lawmakers that “mistakes were made and a course correction has been made. And I emphasize the importance of making sure that rhetoric will not be used in any dangerous way, and we will make sure we work collaboratively.”

One of the migrants who will be at the Hugs Not Walls event on Saturday is María Cecilia Rueda Pacheco, 41. She cleans houses in El Paso and has worked the fields in Texas and New Mexico. She hasn’t seen her father, Jose, 76, in 10 years. He is partly paralyzed and traveled from Fresnillo, in Mexico’s Zacatecas state, for 12 hours by bus. She’s eager to see him.

“It makes me angry and sad to see that the government never sees all the hard work we do, only because we do not have a legal status,” said Rueda. “We put food on the table for everyone. We clean houses, and we do all the jobs that U.S. citizens don’t want to do.”

She worries about a growing anti-immigrant mood in the country and fears for her own safety.

“I am afraid that someone will shoot me because of my skin color, my accent, or my race,” Rueda said. “This man [Abbott] is giving the green light to any crazy person to own a gun and shoot an immigrant.”

Staff writers Alfredo Corchado and María Ramos Pacheco reported from El Paso. Staff writer Allie Morris reported from Austin.

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Although Tombstone Tuesday is not on the Fearless Female calendar this week, I thought I’d take the opportunity to introduce you to another fearless female in my tree.

This is the tombstone of Maria (Pacheco) Iida, daughter of Antonio Pacheco and Alexandrina Jose.

It reads:

July 13, 1891

Dec 27 1961

According to my research, Maria was really born 13 Jan 1890 in Kilauea, Kauai, HI.  Maria was the first of being the first Pacheco grandchildren to marry.  She married Benedict Iida 14 Jan 1905 at Immaculate Conception Church in Lihue, Kauai, HI.

Maria and Benedict have the distinction of being the first interracial couple in my family tree.  She being the daughter of Portuguese immigrants and Benedict being a Japanese native.

Benedict and Maria first lived in the Kilauea Sugar Plantation housing.  Benedict started out as a plantation laborer.  By 1910, he had worked his way into the office as an assistant bookkeeper.  By 1920, Benedict had been promoted to bookkeeper.

The couple stayed on the island of Kauai their entire life.  They had seven children, five of them making it to adulthood.  They also raised the daughter of a friend.

Within the confines of Hawaii, their interracial marriage probably didn’t matter much.  However, I have heard family stories about the interracial couples (which were many among the Pacheco’s) who visited California. Some of their relatives looked down on them in disdain.

It was even worse for those who chose to migrate and make California their home.  It was one thing to have a visiting cousin whose husband was not White, it was quite a different thing to have them move next door.

I remember hearing a story about how Maria’s Mother fretted over the validity of their marriages for legal reasons as well as religious ones.  Interracial marriage did not become legal in California until the late 1940s and I doubt that Catholic Churches were marrying interracial couples before that time, though I could be wrong.  I imagine these issues may have weighed into why this part of the family moved away from the rest of the family to a more rural setting.  There they could live in peace without the judgemental stares of their other relatives.

Maria died at the age of 71 just a few months before Benedict.  They are both buried at Kapaia Catholic Graveyard in Lihue, Kauai Co., HI.

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Schweinerippchen-1000g.
Sojasauce-2-3 Esslöffel
Salz-1 TL.
Getrockneter Knoblauch – 1 TL.
Koriander.
Ketchup-2 EL
Senf-1 TL
Honig – 1 EL.
Zitronensaft-1-2 Esslöffel
Pflanzenöl-1-2 EL.
Eine Mischung aus Paprika.
Wir marinieren 1 bis 4 Stunden.
In Folie einwickeln.
45 Minuten bei 180 ° C backen
Mit Marinade bestreichen.
10 Minuten bei 200 ° C backen.
Guten Appetit!

Probieren Sie dieses großartige Rezept für köstliche, gebackene Schweinerippchen und teilen Sie uns in den Kommentaren mit, wie es Ihnen gefällt. Frieden und Liebe.

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Susan Handley Amaral, “Grama Sue, Mrs. Amaral, or Toots,” as many knew her, passed away comfortably in her sleep at age eighty on December 22nd, 2021, after a six-year-long battle with Ovarian Cancer. She was surrounded by her sons and family in Paso Robles, California. 

Susan was born on October 12th, 1941, and grew up in the Salinas Valley with her parents, Erma Woodworth Handley and Howard Denton Handley. She was preceded in death by her siblings, Tim Handley and Tonya Eckman, and her husband, Robert Amaral. 

On June 21st, 1964, she married and moved to Paso Robles in 1968, where she would call home until her passing. Leaving behind her sons, Mark and Darren (Wendy) Amaral, her grandchildren, Joseph Amaral, Kiley Williams, Brandon Pacheco, and a lifetime of dear friends, family, and past students. 

Susan graduated from Cal Poly State University with her teaching degree and was highly active in the Future Homemakers of America Association. She will always be remembered by her students as an exceptional teacher. She inspired high school students across the Salinas Valley and in Paso Robles. She taught Home Economics at King City High School (1964-1966), Gonzales High School (1966-1968), and Paso Robles High School from 1970 until she retired in July of 2001. 

Susan Amaral touched more lives than she will ever know. She was always there to greet you with a smile and support her loved ones in any endeavor they chose to pursue. Along with her own sons and grandchildren, she had a long list of “adopted extra children and grandchildren” that she would take under her wing. She loved to travel and was always ready for an adventure! After retiring from teaching, she spent her time traveling with her friends and family and barrel racing on her horse with her granddaughter. 

Susan was diagnosed with ovarian cancer in October 2016 and began a long process of surgeries and chemotherapy treatments. Throughout her fight with cancer, she never once gave up hope, and she never stopped living her life to the fullest. Getting back on her horse as soon as possible following each treatment was her top priority. Her greatest joys were being on the back of a good horse, attending rodeos or cattle shows, and most importantly, having her family together. Not even cancer could keep her from doing what she loved.

Susan had a special place in her heart for Mission San Miguel in San Miguel, California. A public service will be held there on Saturday, March 26th, at 1 pm.

In lieu of flowers, please send charitable donations in her name to Mission San Miguel.  

Frohes neues Jahr Freunde!
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MEXICO CITY — Veteran news reporter María de Lourdes Maldonado López knew there were people who wanted her dead, so she applied for the only protection she knew: an unusual Mexican government program that promised to defend vulnerable journalists with state-funded bodyguards, bulletproof vests and other protection.

More than 140 journalists have been killed in Mexico since 2000, making it one of the deadliest countries in the world for members of the news media. A decade ago, authorities attempted a solution: the Protection Mechanism for Human Rights Defenders and Journalists, a government-funded private security service for reporters, photographers and activists under threat.

At least 467 journalists are registered in the $23 million-a-year program, which offers a range of safeguards: full-time bodyguards, antiballistic gear, at-home panic buttons and surveillance cameras. In some cases, the government relocates journalists to different parts of the country, a kind of witness protection program for reporters.

Reporters and supporters demonstrated across Mexico on Tuesday. In Mexico City, journalists gathered at the front gate of the Government Ministry, where they hung photos of slain reporters and photographers. They chanted “Justice!” and “No to silence!” and waved signs including “You can’t kill the truth.”

Maldonado López received a panic button to install in her two-story house near the eastern edge of the city. Municipal police were instructed to drive by her home at least once a day. She celebrated the protections, telling friends she felt safer. But she sometimes complained that the police never showed up.

Four days before she was killed, Maldonado López won a settlement in a wrongful-dismissal lawsuit against a former employer, Jaime Bonilla. Bonilla, the owner of the media company Primer Sistema de Noticias, is a former governor of Baja California, the state that was ostensibly protecting Maldonado López.

Priscilla Pacheco Romero and her mother fled their home in the small town of Taxco, in the state of Guerrero, in May 2016 after receiving a death threat in their home. They knew to take it seriously: Days before, Pacheco Romero’s father, local reporter Francisco Pacheco Beltrán, had been killed in front of the family’s house. Priscilla continued to publish the family-run weekly.

It took the government six months to finish the family’s risk assessment. In December 2016, they were assigned a battery of safeguards: closed-circuit television cameras outside their home, special security locks, lighting and barbed wire around the property, an emergency phone number, a panic button, and a remote mechanism to open the house’s front door.

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