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Larry Harlow, a Jewish musician who was an architect of New York salsa and a Latin music legend, passed away Friday at the age of 82.
Dubbed “El Judio Maravilloso” (The Marvelous Jew) by the extended family of genre-changing Latin musicians at Fania Records, where he was the only non-Latino, Harlow was a passionate, big-hearted man whose extraordinary talent — as pianist, multi-instrumentalist, bandleader, composer and producer – and love for his adopted culture made him a transformative force in Latin music.
A New Yorker to the bone—blunt, intense, down to earth—Harlow was endlessly curious and passionate about music.
“I want to see what they do and go with the flow,” Harlow, then 75, said in 2014, when interviewed him for the Miami Herald as Harlow was heading to Miami to work with 20-something Latino electronic musicians for a Red Bull Music Academy program. “Maybe we’ll make something fantastic. We have to play with each other – we’re musicians.”
According to multiple press reports, Harlow, who maintained homes in New York and Miami, died of heart failure in New York early Friday morning. He had been hospitalized for kidney problems.
Harlow grew up in a New York where Jews were among the most ardent fans of the mambo and Latin music that boomed in the 40’s and 50’s, mamboniks who danced hip to hip with Puerto Ricans, Blacks, Cubans and Italians at the Palladium and who embraced another exuberant, outsider culture.
Born Lawrence Ira Kahn in Brooklyn in 1939, Harlow’s grandfather was a cantor and columnist for the Forward – but he had his bar mitzvah reception at the famed Latin Quarter, where his father led the house band and Larry grew up backstage, hanging out in the booth with Barbara Walters, daughter of the club’s owner.
After graduating from New York’s High School of Music and Art, Harlow took his bar mitzvah money to go to Cuba instead of college, immersing himself in Cuban music for two years and discovering Santeria (later he would wear a Jewish star amidst the bead necklaces that are a sign of a Santeria initiate), leaving only when Fidel Castro’s revolution swept the island. “I became salsified, totally absorbed into the Latin culture,” he told the New York Times in 2010.
Back in New York, Harlow became one of the first musicians signed to Fania Records, in 1964. With Cuba now cut off, Fania became the center of a new Latin music – salsa – infused with jazz, funk, rock, urgent New York energy and street style, home to Ruben Blades, Willie Colon, Johnny Pacheco, Hector Lavoe, Celia Cruz, and a host of other legends.
Harlow was at Fania’s heart. He was the pianist and musical director for the Fania All-Stars, an explosive orchestra of greats. But he also shaped the new salsa sound. He was Fania’s lead producer, producing over 250 albums for the label, an arranger, songwriter and innovator, enormously respected for his instinct for and knowledge of Latin music.
In 1973 he premiered “Hommy,” a Latin rock opera inspired by The Who’s Tommy, at Carnegie Hall; and in 1978 he composed and recorded “La Raza Latina, A Salsa Suite,” which traced the history of Latin music and won a Grammy – thanks in large part to Harlow, who led demands that the Grammys honor Latin music and, later, to launch the Latin Grammys.
Many Latin music artists paid tribute to him on Friday.
“One of the smartest and most intellectually prepared artists I ever met,” Ruben Blades wrote on Instagram. “The salsa world is in mourning,” wrote Oscar D’Leon. “One of the true pioneers of the classic salsa sound,” wrote Mike Santana on Twitter. “And the most beautiful part, was that he wasn’t even Latino.”
Harlow was active until the end, touring, recording, producing, proselytizing and experimenting, leading The Latin Legends orchestra to keep salsa alive, playing with Mars Volta in the mid-2000’s, reviving La Raza Latina. He accumulated official honors: inducted into the International Latin Music Hall of Fame, presented with the Latin Grammy Trustees Award.
But Harlow is best remembered onstage, like at the club concert that wound up that Miami Red Bull program: pounding the keyboards in an irresistible montuno, alternately grinning and intent, as the awestruck young musicians around him did their best to keep up and the hipsters on the dance floor were swept away by rhythms as fresh and urgent as they were to Harlow 50 years before.
HTF 1W:
Weekly chart has been updated with an ugly breach beneath the prior week’s support level of 39.6k USD, which now technically has become a resistance. The chart displays 20-week average laid over BTCUSD candlesticks along with the bottom indicator representing the price’s distance to MA20 (% deviation vs MA20). Let’s give a deeper dive into the review.
Firstly, the weekly chart, as the major time frame that establishes the main narrative and trend definition, still shows incoherent sideways movement between the range boundaries 30000 USD and 70000 USD, or precisely – 28800 USD and 69000 USD. Based on the price action bitcoin has marked a High 65k USD in April 2021, then a Low at 28.8k USD in June 2021, then a Higher (!) High at 69000 USD in early November 2021, and currently it is processing a Low – yet to be decided lower or higher. This brief overview suggests it definitely is NOT a downwards trend – a bear market needs to be a downwards trend, naturally – but a form of a sideways. Any downwards trend is defined as a sequence of lower highs and lower lows. Here, we are looking at a High, Low, Higher High, and Higher/Lower Low (?). It does NOT match a definition of a bear market simply because the major trend is not bearish by definition. For this reason alone, one should not claim the prior bull market thesis of BTC reaching past $100k levels to be invalidated.
MA20 moves in sideways also with two bumps occurring one after another with a heavy deviation of price against the average. Current price of MA20 is 51000 USD and based on the mean reversion sooner or later bitcoin should revert back to this mean towards 50000 USD mark. Will that happen prior to tagging 30000 USD range lows or after? Nobody knows the real answer, sadly. What I can see in the chart, though, suggests that the recent bitcoin’s moves have printed a buying opportunity seen only two times ever since 2018 bear market bottom. It is technically as oversold as it was during the covid crash and the bear market depression only. Does this mean BTCUSD must reverse immediately from here? Not at all. If the military conflict continues to emerge between Russia and Ukraine with missiles shot at UAE earlier today, this still provides a risk-off environment where the only safe haven asset is gold (commodities).
It is, hence, possible to see bitcoin continue retracing to as much as ~60% depth of the correction towards 28.8-30k USD range lows. A strong monthly and weekly close beneath the floor would be a substantial warning even for the long-term investors and funds, which rarely ever occurs.
HTF 1D:
Daily chart has recently been resting at the Low Momentum Band support area (note that a support or resistance is usually an area, rather than a single price level). It implies that the average volatility downside target has been already exhausted. Hence, on average, bitcoin should be looking to form at least a local bottom around these levels.
BWAP block shows volume-based average zone of demand (if the price trades beneath) or supply (if the price trades above). In this context, only a successful close through 38000-38466 USD zone would validate a short-term reversal targeting 44758 USD as the next Level Line to be tagged. Until that happens, BTCUSD remains under the bearish impact. It means that one can not cross a potential flash crash to 29807 USD Level Line out of the list just yet. Bitcoin needs more confirmation to the upside.
In the positive case (a daily close above 38466 USD, there are chances for bitcoin to reach the opposite Momentum Band in the 47000-50000 USD region.
Eventually, bitcoin rarely ever has presented investors with the generosity of -50% sale.
HTF 12H:
The middaily chart shows off a potential (unconfirmed) bottoming process within the 34000-35000 region, backed by BWAP demand block.
CTF Trailer Stop at 40234 USD marks the invalidation level of the bearish narrative lasting ever since the mid of November 2021. A strong 12H or 1D (or even better – 1W) close above this level should give a confirmation for the end of correction and a new upwards trend beginning.
MTF 4H:
MTF chart shows the first signs of buying pressure appearing back in the market for the first time since falling off of 43000s USD. It is a good sign, yet to confirm a short-term reversal bitcoin would need close at least two 4H candles through 36500 USD region.
Aside from the current supply being penetrated at this very moment at 35000-36000 USD zone, the main supply zone is defined at 41.7-43k USD zone, with the main pivotal level at 43000 USD. A strong break above this level could indicate a larger and more long-lasting reversal.
Currently BTCUSD is trading above BWAP demand block 34.2-34.6k USD, which is a better sign than not.
Price action wise, It might be significant technically to note that bitcoin has bounced off of 33000 USD round number level twice successfully. It defines a strong short-term support level.
LTF 1H:
The hourly chart is showing an attempt to breach a key short-term supply zone 35.6-36k USD, backed by the Level Line at 35943 USD. A strong close above 36500 USD may lead to a retest of 38000-39000 USD region, which if reclaimed successfully can lead to unlocking 40864 USD and 43147 USD levels for the tests.
Notice, there is a wide gap of Levels between 35943 USD and 40864 USD. This may be interpreted that a strong reclaim of the lower Level Line may be traded targeting 40864 USD. The Level Lines are constructed to give potential level-to-level trades. It shows the importance of 35943 USD level for the short-term picture of bitcoin.
A failure to close above this price level increases the chances of the lower Level Line at 33493 USD to be retested.
Bitcoin: Number of Active Addresses (168h Moving Average)
As glassnode explaines, this on-chain metric stands for “The number of unique addresses that were active in the network either as a sender or receiver. Only addresses that were active in successful transactions are counted.”
While it bears no signs of any generational bottom per se yet, there is a local setup to be mentioned. While arguing to what extent on-chain data has predictive powers is one thing, it is worth noticing the ongoing “divergence” between the price of bitcoin which has been in the decline, and the recent bump on the on-chain side represented by the mean of active addresses.
There are early impressions that the market has freshly started heating up a little bit in the positive direction while the price action has been tumbling. It may be a positive symptom.
FEAR/GREED INDEX
The sentiment has rarely ever been worse in the most recent bitcoin’s history.
Only 4 times since the start of this bull market bitcoin reached such extreme levels of fear in the market.
The index shows a hand at 13 points on the scale after flashing 11 points yesterday.
Again, it is NOT a timing indicator, but rather suggests when bitcoin is considered cheap or expensive. For the past days bitcoin has been suggested as a historical buying opportunity based on this indicator. It does not aim at predicting bottoms or tops. Usually, though, after flashing so oversold market conditions, bitcoin followed up with consequent bounce off of the index historically low readings.
Apparently, from the longer-term perspective (assuming there is no fundamental invalidation for the bull market – wars, catastrophes, etc.), it may be irrelevant whether one had purchased bitcoin in the low 30000s or the low 40000s, as if the market is as oversold as it only was during the bear market bottom and the covid crash, then proportionally buying 30000s-40000s USD area may be proven to be of similar results to buying 3000s-4000s USD area.
The majority is usually right in the middle of trends and usually wrong about the extremes. At times one needs to wait longer than preferred for a bitcoin bottom to form, but the history suggests every time bitcoin was this oversold, it was followed by a proper bounce and profitability soon after. That is what I’m still standing by while my focus remains a longer time frame.
More details in the exclusive video report.
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In popular mythology, New Mexico is a “tricultural” state–– one where Hispanic, Anglo, and Native American communities live in relative harmony, an exemplar for the rest of the nation.
But the persistent myth leaves out other groups with long histories in the state, appearing in state-produced documents as recently as 2019. Then, there were contentious remarks at a very public forum this February that led Black leaders to call for a formal statement from the Legislature denouncing the remarks.
At a legislative hearing to confirm Veteran’s Service Secretary-designate Sonya Smith, a Black woman, Sen. Greg Baca, R-Belen noted that 2.6% of New Mexico’s population is African American. He then asked Smith if she felt “comfortable adequately representing… cultures of white, Native, Hispanics.”
Black community leaders issued a statement characterizing Baca’s words as racist and calling on legislative leaders to issue a formal denouncement. At a later committee hearing, Baca said his remarks to Smith were insensitive and apologized. But the prominent episode showcased how the myth marginalizes communities outside the three groups, advocates say.
Mason Graham, the special projects lead for the New Mexico Black Voters Collaborative. Image courtesy of Graham.
“We’ve always had a place here, we just haven’t been seen,” Mason Graham, the special projects lead for the New Mexico Black Voters Collaborative, said. “It does come from that kind of thinking, that African Americans–– being such a small population in New Mexico–– don’t have as much of an impact, they don’t have much of a voice or enough of a voice to make a change, which is just not true.”
There are approximately 55,000 Black people in New Mexico, according to the U.S. Census. About half live in the Albuquerque metropolitan area.
The voter collaborative, which is a project of the New Mexico Black Leadership Council, hopes to raise the community’s profile in New Mexico’s public imagination as a way to combat what they see as the continuing invisibility.
In a step toward that goal, the organization will hold a public forum along with several partner organizations next Tuesday for candidates vying to fill the Albuquerque-centered congressional seat formerly held by Interior Secretary Deb Haaland. They say it’s an opportunity to raise issues important to their communities with the person who ultimately will represent them in Congress while building their political power in the state as well.
The tricultural myth was presented in official state documents as recently as 2019. Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham later apologized for the reference in this publication.
Building power for Black people
In Cathryn McGill’s telling, the Leadership Council arose in 2019 out of an acute need to challenge the tricultural myth, which allows issues affecting Black communities to go unnoticed.
McGill, now the CEO of the group after years leading the New Mexico Black History Organizing Committee, describes in an informational video a major goal as “changing the state’s tricultural narrative.”
Beyond erasing Black communities from the cultural landscape, the tricultural myth has also undermined the ability of Black civic groups to acquire needed resources. “It’s been a real struggle for Black organizations to actually get that funding,” said Pamelya Herndon, CEO of KWH Law Center for Social Justice and 1st Vice President of the NAACP of Albuquerque.
Most Black-led organizations in the state have been volunteer-run, as opposed to operating with paid staff, which has prevented organizations from investing full time in their work, McGill said.
After the W.K. Kellogg Foundation made New Mexico a priority in 2008, McGill said she noticed the tricultural myth reflected in grants made by the large foundation.
“When I saw that, I thought, wow, what about the Black community?” she said. “We have these really pressing needs. We also have a great deal of fantastic human capital, and if we’re going to build something that is inclusive of everyone, then we need a fighting chance to be able to do that.”
“I give a lot of credit to Cathryn for her diligence in helping to foster a stronger relationship between the Kellogg Foundation and Black communities throughout the state,” said Robby Rodriguez, who was a program officer for the foundation’s New Mexico programs at the time.
“There was a recognition that our work exists in a context in New Mexico, and that one of the parts of that context with regard to racial equity is the tricultural myth,” he said.
Cathryn McGill, founder and CEO of the NM Black Leadership Council. Image courtesy of McGill.
McGill’s critique led to the Kellogg Foundation’s support for a 2014 community study in New Mexico known as AACETS–– African American Community Economic Transformation Study.
According to advocates, it was important that the study be produced by and for Black communities.
“There’s always another study coming out, saying what the Black community needs in our state,” Hakim Bellamy, the CEO and founder of Beyond Poetry, LLC and the inaugural poet laureate of Albuquerque. “What if we first identify our own problems, and not have some outside group or some consultant come in and tell us what’s wrong with us?,” said Bellamy, who helped lead the research team in 2014.
That study ultimately identified the need for a “hub organization” to support the community, as well as leadership development programming and a more robust communications infrastructure. Out of that emerged the Leadership Council, which was established with support from a range of foundations.
In a statement, Chamiza Pacheco de Alas, director of Kellogg Foundation’s New Mexico programs, noted that efforts to advance racial equity are part of the foundation’s “DNA” and that support of Black-led organizations will continue to grow.
“This is an area of growth and opportunity for us in New Mexico, and we feel fortunate to have the support and expertise of local community leaders,” she said.
In addition to McGill’s leadership and the Leadership Council’s civic engagement work on behalf of Black communities, Pacheco de Alas also highlighted other New Mexico Black-led organizations they’ve invested in, including the African American Greater Albuquerque Chamber of Commerce and Black Health New Mexico.
A movement versus a moment
The past year has seen broader attention to police violence, systemic racism, and disproportionate health outcomes faced by Black people in light of the pandemic. Particularly after the killing of George Floyd, the country as a whole began to pay greater attention to issues already well-known to Black people.
Pamelya Herndon, CEO of KWH Law Center for Social Justice and 1st Vice President of the NAACP of Albuquerque. Image courtesy of Herndon.
“It was time for white people to actually stand up and say, enough, we’re not going to take this anymore. And we really did need our white brothers and sisters to work beside us,” said Herndon. “So we saw more outpouring in terms of financial resources that were there to support African American organizations.”
“It makes it important to other people now,” remarked Bellamy.
At the same time, it would be a mistake to confuse the work done by Black civic leaders with recent protests for racial justice. While the latter can bring greater attention to the former, McGill emphasized that the work Leadership Council does is systemic and long-term.
“I think that people often conflate protests with movements,” said McGill. “Protests are part of movements. But in some respects, when people focus just on the protests and not on the reasons for them, what it’s distilled into is making it a moment, and not a movement.”
“So what we say is that this is a movement, and not a moment.”
One project the group undertook was civic engagement within Black communities to build political power in the state.
Last year saw the election of more Black candidates to positions in state government than before.
Judge Shammara Henderson was elected to the New Mexico Court of Appeals following her appointment earlier in the year, making her the first Black woman to win a statewide election in New Mexico. Additionally, Sen. Harold Pope, D-Albuquerque, became the first Black state senator in state history. “It was really important to have that happen,” said Herndon.
Hakim Bellamy, the CEO and founder of Beyond Poetry, LLC and the inaugural poet laureate of Albuquerque. Image courtesy of Bellamy.
“We’re taking the next step into saying we want to be a political player and host these conversations,” said Bellamy about the upcoming candidate forum. “It’s kind of the only way we’re going to get our questions asked or answered.”
“There are problems that are really unique to the Black community that don’t get resolved by some broad educational equity bill, or small business bill,” he said. “We actually need solutions that are as specific and acute as the problem.”
McGill said organizers will raise voting rights as an issue at the forum, alluding to recent voter suppression measures passed in Georgia. “We want to find out, truly, what do you believe about people’s right to vote? What will you do as a representative to protect it? And do you think that what’s happening right now is appropriate?”
“We have an opportunity to see these candidates not giving us canned responses. I think we’ve all had enough of that,” she added.
Heather Ferguson, executive director of New Mexico Common Cause, which has partnered on the forum, agreed. “I think it will be really telling for the public to be able to get these people on record about where they stand on what is so clearly a national focus right now.”
Informational box created by New Mexico In Depth.
“There’s always that kind of toss-away of, well, there’s not a lot of Black people in New Mexico anyway,” said Megan Bott, the former marketing and communications manager with the Voters Collaborative. Bott currently sits on the board of People Requiring Equality within Systemic Systems (PRESS) New Mexico, a community based group that combats systemic racism and is a partner for the candidate forum. “If anything, it means that we need to make sure our voices are heard even more, because we lack representation.”
Another partnering organization is New Mexico Asian Family Center, which serves and advocates for New Mexico’s Asian and Pacific Islander community.
The candidate forum, they say, offers an opportunity to work together with the Black community.
“Obviously, both communities are under attack right now,” said Moira Tañedo, an intern with the organization. “We’re coming together in order to find a representative to voice our communities’ concerns.”
Their community grapples with the tricultural myth as well.
“The lack of language access in this state is the biggest example of that,” said Huong Nguyen, community engagement director for the group, explaining the difficulties some in the community run into when dealing with state agencies that don’t make documents available in languages beyond English, or even Spanish.
Nainika Ravichandran, also an intern, added that the “model minority” myth–– which holds that Asian Americans are generally well-off compared to other minority groups–– was also key to the relative neglect of their community. “I think that in combination with the tricultural myth, this really makes it really hard for the Asian American community to receive resources and representation.”
Sponsors say the candidate forum is an opportunity for communities typically left out by the tricultural myth to have their voices heard by the individuals seeking to represent them in Congress, while also providing voters crucial information about the election.
“When else do we have an opportunity–– because of the nature of how fast this election has to happen–– for the interests of the African American community to have center stage?” said Bellamy. “It is a ripe opportunity to get the needs of Black children and families in front of the folks who will represent us for years to come.”
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That’s How It Was: Operation Finders Keepers by Hazel Pacheco
That’s How It Was: Operation Finders Keepers comes under “interesting children’s fiction” category. This is a unique children’s book because it is primarily done in letter format. Set in the late 1960s, the letters are to Randy Ray’s future family. His ten-year-old self shares his perspective on people, animals, and faith as he contemplates whimsical and not-so-whimsical career choices. Who would have guessed that a class assignment would lead to captured moments in time waiting to be discovered by his daughters thirty-seven years later! His letters allow his daughters, Sarah and Melissa, to get to know the boy who became their father, and understand the essence of what it means to grow up country.
Targeted Age Group:: All audiences
Heat/Violence Level: Heat Level 1 – G Rated Clean Read
What Inspired You to Write Your Book?
Some of my fondest memories while raising our two daughters were visiting the library and reading bedtime stories. It made me think “someday I’ll write a children’s book.” After twenty-seven years of Federal service, someday finally came. That’s how it was!
How Did You Come up With Your Characters?
Many people wonder . . . what does a part Hispanic, part Native American woman, who has lived her entire life in New Mexico, know about growing up on a farm in the predominantly German and Scandinavian mid-west? Simply put . . . I married into it. Back in the day when I was dating, I had a dear friend tell me if I found someone who had a happy childhood, he’d be a good catch. I didn’t give it much thought at the time, but it may have been a premonition on her part. I hit the jackpot! It turns out the love of my life had a wonderful, happy childhood growing up on a farm in the country. Over the years I’ve listened to my husband and his cousin talk about their mischievous escapades. Thus, the main characters and their stories are loosely based on real life.
Book Sample
“I am free to roam the earth as far as my legs or my bicycle will take me, and as long as I’m on time for supper, life couldn’t be better.” –Randy Ray
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The Texas House has approved a bill that would allow handguns to be carried without a permit, marking a win for gun rights activists who have for years pushed the measure at the Legislature but a blow to El Paso Democrats who have been fighting for gun safety measures since the 2019 massacre in their hometown.
Initial approval came Thursday in a 84-56 vote after several hours of some of the most emotionally charged debate yet this legislative session, with Democrats pleading to their colleagues to reconsider their position on the legislation. The House on Friday gave the legislation a final stamp of approval, sending it to the Senate, where the bill’s fate is less clear.
House Bill 1927, spearheaded by state Rep. Matt Schaefer, R-Tyler, would nix the requirement for Texas residents to obtain a license to carry handguns if they’re not prohibited by state or federal law from possessing a gun. Texans under current state law must generally be licensed to carry handguns, either openly or concealed.
“This bill should be called common-sense carry,” Schaefer said as he laid out the bill Thursday. He described a scenario in which two women — one who had time and resources to obtain a license to carry and another who did not — went for walks in different neighborhoods, arguing that the latter did not feel safe or well-equipped to protect their family.
Seven Democrats voted for the bill, according to an unofficial vote total: Terry Canales of Edinburg, who was a joint author; Ryan Guillen of Rio Grande City, another joint author; Harold Dutton of Houston; Richard Peña Raymond of Laredo; Tracy King of Batesville; Leo Pacheco of San Antonio and Eddie Morales Jr. of Eagle Pass. One Republican, Morgan Meyer of Dallas, voted against it. State Rep. Angie Chen Button, R-Richardson, was present but not voting.
Early on in Thursday’s debate, state Rep. Joe Moody, D-El Paso, who serves as speaker pro tempore, pushed an amendment to the bill that would have effectively killed the legislation.
Moody, surrounded by other El Paso lawmakers at the House floor’s front mic, recalled the day of the El Paso massacre in August 2019, when a gunman killed 23 people. Moody said there has been no action in the wake of that mass shooting and others to prevent future tragedies.
“After those shootings … there were roundtable discussions and stakeholder meetings and a lot of promises — and I was hopeful, members, even knowing the political realities, I was hopeful,” Moody said. “Members, I’m so tired of doing nothing. … When are we going to do something?”
Moody’s proposed change to the bill failed, 63-79. Nearly two dozen other proposed tweaks to the bill to the bill, many authored by Democrats, also failed.
Permitless carry measures have been filed in the typically more ideologically conservative Senate, though that legislation has not yet advanced.
Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, who heads the Senate, has previously expressed hesitation over the measure, saying in a 2017 radio interview that, “with all the police violence today we have in our state … law enforcement does not like the idea of anyone being able to walk down the street with a gun and they don’t know if they have a permit or not.”
In the days leading up to Thursday’s debate, some law enforcement officers and license to carry instructors voiced opposition to the legislation, citing safety concerns. A group of faith leaders and veterans have also criticized the measure.
During Thursday’s debate, state Rep. Jeff Cason, R-Bedford, offered an amendment that would have lowered the minimum age for permitless carry from 21 to 18 years. Schaefer and other Republicans voiced opposition to the proposal, and Cason’s amendment failed overwhelmingly, 12-121.
Two Democrats — Diego Bernal of San Antonio and Rafael Anchía of Dallas — tried unsuccessfully to amend Schaefer’s bill to bar domestic terrorists, or “violent white supremacist extremist[s], as defined by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security” from carrying a handgun without a permit.
“I think it’s always the right time to be talking about denouncing white supremacists and preventing guns from falling into their hands,” Anchía said before his proposed amendment failed.
Soon after, freshman Democrat Jasmine Crockett of Dallas, delivered a tearful speech before laying out an amendment that would have carved out courthouses from the legislation. Other House Democrats rushed to Crockett’s side as she stood at the House’s front mic.
“As the only new Black member of this body, I must say some of the discussion today has not only been eye-opening, but hurtful,” Crockett said. “When I got here, the one thing everyone told me … is that we aren’t D.C. — we didn’t do partisan politics. … Can we truly consider some of these amendments and not make them so partisan?”
Her amendment failed, 59-80.
Gun rights activists, faith leaders and gun violence prevention activists sat in the chamber for parts of Thursday’s debate, watching as lawmakers on the floor considered the legislation.
After state Rep. Gina Hinojosa, D-Austin, raised a point of order against Schaefer’s bill, which temporarily paused debate but ultimately was overruled, a group of activists wearing all-white began singing Amazing Grace. They were quickly escorted out of the House gallery.
[Story by Cassandra Pollock, Texas Tribune]