The Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission Needs An Independent Chairperson – Blog for Arizona

At 11:15 a.m. on January 14, 2021, the two Democratic and two Republican designees to the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission will meet to choose an Independent Chairperson who may have to break ties when and if there is a deadlock between the political appointees.

Please click here for the Facebook Link to the live feed or here if you would like to attend via ZOOM.

The five candidates, according to reporting from Arizona Mirror journalist Jeremy Duda to become the Independent Chairperson are:

Democrats went to the courts in a failed attempt to disqualify both Thomas Loquvam and Robert Wilson.

Members of the Arizona Democratic Party still have concerns about those two and two other candidates. The party released a statement describing their reservations that read:

“The integrity of Arizona’s Independent Redistricting Commission hangs in the balance. The Commission on Appellate Court Appointments (CACA) — charged with selecting the finalists for the IRC, including the five for the Independent chair position — has handpicked a list of Independent finalists that are anything but independent.

CACA, constitutionally required to be bi-partisan and representative of the population of the state, has been warped by this Governor to be overwhelmingly white and conservative. The consequence – a roster of selected “independent” IRC finalists that include: an attorney/lobbyist who worked for Governor Ducey’s PACs, a high-dollar Ducey donor, and a gun store owner whose shop hosted a Trump rally and a shooting event for the President last fall.

Thomas Loquvam is the General counsel and vice president of corporate services at utility company EPCOR. He is a registered lobbyist, a line of work prohibited in the Arizona Constitution under voter-approved Proposition 106 that created the IRC in 2000. Furthermore, he is closely tied to Republican interests. In 2019 his law firm was paid over $5,000 by Governor Ducey’s PACs. Additionally, his many years at APS serving as legal counsel overlapped with those of his sister’s, lobbyist Jessica Pacheco, who wrote the utility giant’s “playbook” for their multi-million “dark money” efforts to influence Arizona elections and policy.

Erika Schupak Neuberg has contributed nearly $10,000 to Governor Ducey’s campaigns and political action committees, and current Republican members of Arizona’s Congressional Delegation. She was a registered Republican from 2000-2016.

Gun salesman Robert Wilson

Robert Wilson infamously hosted a campaign rally for President Trump, as well as other Republican candidates, in the parking lot of his Flagstaff gun store. Wilson received the highest number of public comments in opposition to his application, as community members brought to light his numerous pro-Republican social media posts and “divisive” and “trolling” behavior aimed at Democratic officials and a Flagstaff community organization.

In her application and interview, luxury floral shop owner Megan Carollo neglected to disclose her personal ties to Luis Ramirez Thomas. Ramirez Thomas is a close Ducey ally whose firm consults for the Arizona Mexico Commission and has been paid over $1 million by the Governor’s office during Ducey’s tenure.

These selections represent bald-faced partisanship in action. They represent a clear and present threat to the integrity of Arizona’s electoral districts.

Gerrymandering has been undermining Democratic votes for years. Now we are on the precipice of being handed partisan maps for the next decade. What do Republican-drawn districts get us? More anti-government reps like Andy Biggs, Debbie Lesko, Paul Gosar, and David Schweikert. Gerrymandering ensures one thing: that the most extreme, fringe voices gain political power.”

Arizona Democratic Party spokesman, Matt Grodsky, issued the following statement:

“The redistricting commission was created by voters to function independently from our political parties. But Governor Ducey has torched that sentiment. His Commission on Appellate Court Appointments has stacked the list of finalists for the Independent Chair with picks who lack qualification and are overtly partisan.

“The role of the independent chair requires a leader who is free of ties to either major political party and has the experience and credibility to lead the important work of the IRC effectively. If Arizonans care about the authenticity of their legislative and congressional districts, they should make their voices heard on January 14th. The Arizona Democratic Party has launched a new page with more information on the Independent finalists, and links to submit a public comment: Wrecking Redistricting.”

Thomas Loquvam, utility boss

The Mirror confirmed that Loquvam, Neuberg, and Carollo have been viewed with “skepticism“ by both parties for different reasons.

Loquvam is a concern to Democrats because of his link to conservative-friendly Pinnacle West Capital Corp., an energy holding company, and his public stance to create competitive districts — a red flag for Republicans.

Neuberg is viewed with some skepticism by both sides because she has contributed to candidates for both political parties to gain influence, including Arizonans Debbie Lesko, Kyrsten Sinema, Ruben Gallego, David Schweikert, and Greg Stanton.

Of note, she has donated, on one or more occasions, to the three House Representatives that have been accused of coordinating the January 6, 2020, Trumpist Insurrection:

Carollo is seen as not having a strong enough persona to handle the rigors of being the Independent Chairperson. Carollo and Teesdale, according to Duda’s reporting, are regarded as “wild cards.”

Robert Wilson is not as Independent as People May think.

An anonymous source furnished the below documentary evidence that appears to show Mr. Wilson may not be as Independent as he professes to be.

Mr. Wilson has been a co-host several times on the Jeff Oravits Show. 

Readers may be especially interested to access Show 939 from August 13, 2020, and Show 963 from September 24, 2020.

The 939 show features Andy Biggs.

Te 963 one showcases Eric Trump.

Listeners may be hard-pressed to find Mr. Wilson offering a lot of Independent views on these shows. They should listen and judge for themselves.

It is also interesting to note that he completed his application for consideration to be the Independent Chairperson of the Redistricting Commission the day after the show with Biggs.

There are also several visual examples below that demonstrate Mr. Wilson is not as independent as people may think.

This first picture shows Mr. Wilson and his wife at a 2020 Trump Rally.

The next four examples are social media posts, apparently, from Mr. Wilson’s Facebook Page. The first shows support for Republican Legislative District Six Representative Walt Blackman — identified in 11 Seditious Arizona Legislators Who Should Be Removed.

The date is October 19, 2019. Wilson does not seem very Independent so far.

This next one chastizes California Democrats who move to Arizona.  It is also from 2019 and clearly demonstrates that Wilson is not very independent.

This next one is an attack on, who else, Hillary Clinton:

One should wonder if Wilson has any thoughts on Donald Trump not having a secure cell phone.

This final posting shows Mr. Wilson’s apparent intolerance toward members of the LGBTQ Community.

It is clear that Robert Wilson is not the Independent savior for the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission.

As to the other four candidates, it is important that all the stakeholders choose a chairperson that will be a fair and impartial arbiter of the redistricting process so that confidence in the political process can be improved and all congressional and legislative district seats are drawn along competitive and demographically equitable lines.

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Oil City Speaks! ‘It’s a good place to live. Quit dissing North Casper’

CASPER, Wyo. — Good afternoon, Oil City readers, and welcome to the latest edition of Oil City Speaks!

Do you think North Casper is unfairly stereotyped? Should life jackets be required through the whitewater park near the Tate Pumphouse? Are you concerned about rising oil prices or do you think that’s good for Wyoming’s extraction industry? Is it too expensive to rent in Casper? We explore all that and more in this week’s collection of hot takes, thought-provoking views and heart-warming comments readers submitted in response to our coverage this week.

Three citizens told the Casper City Council on Tuesday that their once “nice” neighborhood in Paradise Valley is seeing a greater prevalence of drug-related issues.

“It is Paradise Valley. My God, that was a nice neighborhood at one time,” one of the residents said. “And it has turned into North Casper. North Casper is way better than this place right now.”

Some readers were frustrated by the comparisons to North Casper and Oil City’s decision to cover their comments. While we’re open to criticism about how we covered those comments, covering what they said during the public city council meeting doesn’t imply that anyone at Oil City necessarily agrees with what they said about either North Casper or their claims about Paradise Valley. We try to cover city council meetings as comprehensively as possible and leave it up to you what to think about the topics that we cover.

Is it true that certain areas of Casper have higher rates of crime than others? The Casper Police Department shares some data about crime hotspots in Casper in their fourth quarter 2020 report, available online.

The maps show that hotspots are scattered throughout the city. While some of North Casper is shown as a hotspot, it is by no means the only area that the Casper PD reports concentrations of crimes. The following map shows drug offense hotspots in Casper during the fourth quarter of 2020:

The drug offense hotspots shared some overlap with the Casper PD’s “Part One Crime Map” hotspot data. Part one crime refers to “serious crimes” with the main categories being homicide, rape, robbery, assault, burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft and arson, according to Casper PD. The fourth quarter 2020 hotspot map for these types of crimes is as follows:

The Casper PD also shared a map combining drug offense hotspots, serious crime hotspots and alcohol offenses in the fourth quarter of 2020:

The data suggest that crimes can impact a variety of neighborhoods across Casper and that problems are not isolated to North Casper or Paradise Valley.

While crime may occur in these areas, that doesn’t mean that positive things can’t simultaneously be going on. As Jamie suggests above, North Casper is home to a number of community-based organizations, including the Wyoming Food for Thought Project.

Chico offers a thought-provoking comment, pointing out that drug-related crime doesn’t only occur in lower income areas, and Sue shows that some people have positive relationships to areas that others might think of in stereotypical ways.

What do you think? Do you think some of the neighborhoods in Casper are safer than others? Have you noticed changes in any of these neighborhoods in recent years? Do you think it helps to have public dialogue about potential problem areas? Is there any value in citizens talking about stereotypes that they think need to be changed?

Marty’s comment offers some food for thought regarding how people interpret data about housing costs and wage rates. Just because a report points to a general situation, Marty’s comment serves as a reminder that statistics won’t always apply to every individual in every case, even if they fall into a category defined by the report.

The report was conducted by the National Low Income Housing Coalition. They build certain assumptions into that report and are able to make their own definitions.

The National Low Income Housing Coalition considers Wyoming’s “State Housing Wage” to be $16.85. That is the amount someone would need to make per hour in order to afford a two-bedroom apartment.

“In Wyoming, the Fair Market Rent (FMR) for a two-bedroom apartment is
$876,” the National Low Income Housing Coalition explains. “In order to afford this level of rent and utilities — without paying more than 30% of income on housing — a household must earn $2,920 monthly or $35,041 annually.”

Lindsey offers a thought-provoking comment that just because someone finds that they are living quite well off of lower wages doesn’t mean their experience necessarily applies to everyone.

What are your thoughts on this topic? Do you think it is empowering to define concepts for yourself? Is it helpful to have data from others inform your definitions and ideas? Do you think there are enough good-paying jobs in Casper? Do you think rent is too expensive? Do you think people should be doing more to move out of lower-paying jobs? Do you think this is an option for everyone?

Are rising oil prices good or bad for Wyoming? When prices were low in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic and a price war between Saudi Arabia and Russia, Wyoming temporarily had no active oil and gas rigs, something rarely seen in the state. Zoom forward to 2021, and demand has increased and gas prices have likewise been on the rise.

For people working in the oil industry in Wyoming, higher prices might be a good thing. Chad suggests there is a “sweet spot” when the price of oil is between $70-$80 per barrel.

The West Texas Intermediate price for a barrel of crude oil increased by $1.61, settling at $71.91 at the end of formal trading on Thursday, according to AAA.

“Earlier this week, crude prices tumbled to $66 per barrel due to market concern that the spread of the COVID-19 delta variant will slow potential economic growth,” AAA said. “However, market concern about the ongoing pandemic has reversed, helping to push crude prices higher.”

The average price of a regular gallon of gasoline stood at $3.467 in Wyoming on Thursday. That is up about four cents from a week ago.

What do you think of gas prices? Do you think more about their impact on consumers’ wallets or do you think about their impact on Wyoming’s extraction industry? What do you think of Chad’s idea about a “sweet spot”? What do you think of Gordon’s strategy to blame the Biden administration for prices at the pump?

Chris’ comment appears to be poking a little fun at people who celebrate Wyoming’s role in providing energy to the country and world. If people want to see Wyoming’s energy economy thrive, do you think they should embrace nuclear in addition to more traditional sources in Wyoming like coal and natural gas? What about renewables?

Governor Gordon has repeatedly expressed support for an “all the above” energy strategy. Do you agree with that approach? Do you agree with Chris that the new Natrium reactor, which would be a sodium-cooled fast reactor, would be a safe form of energy? Or do you have concerns that there may be risks despite bold claims by companies behind the project?

Following Sunday’s incident in which people were apparently wearing life jackets that were “old and not buoyant,” Casper and Natrona County firefighters responded to another rescue call on Monday on a different part of the river where people were not wearing life jackets.

There have been numerous rescue calls this summer with people not wearing life jackets on the river. While firefighters are constantly reminding people of their importance of life jackets, Ryan suggests simply asking people to take this safety precaution may not do the trick.

What do you think? Should life jackets be mandatory on the river, at least through the whitewater park, or do you think that is too harsh of a policy?

  • Let’s look at a hot take/thought-provoking view that came in response to a story about a citizen calling for an expansion of Casper’s Metro Animal Shelter to allow for space to quarantine sick animals:

During the city council’s meeting on Tuesday, a person who regularly volunteers at the shelter said that there is a “huge need for quarantine space” at the Metro Animal Shelter, saying that the existing facility doesn’t have enough space to quarantine sick animals.

Vice Mayor Ray Pacheco said he agrees that quarantine space is a needed addition at the shelter. He said that he thinks City Manager Carter Napier would recommend an expansion of the facility if funding would allow for it.

What are your thoughts on this topic? How much of a priority should the shelter be for the city? If funding was put toward an expansion of the shelter, would you be alright if funding was reduced in other areas? What things do you think Casper could spend less on in order to afford an expansion of the shelter? Conversely, do you think an expansion of the shelter could be done without hurting funding for other services the city provides?

Catherine Johnson Morris has made temporary, elaborate sand castles at various location around Casper this summer and says she enjoys making them at other places such as Alcova’s Sandy Beach.

She has a number of tips for people looking to make better sand castles, such as ditching the sand castle-shaped buckets. Morris is offering classes about sandcastle making, and people can sign up by contacting her on Facebook.

As Lisa said, the sand castles Morris makes are pretty cool and bring some joy to people in the community and some warmth to our hearts.


Why are we putting together this Oil City Speaks story?

Oil City News is all about offering coverage of the people, places and events that shape the community we love. We strive to provide informative stories for our readers and value dialogue about the Casper area community and the Cowboy State.

What makes for a valuable online discussion? It is no secret that readers are sometimes wary about the “dreaded” comments section (on stories posted to Oil City’s Facebook page). While comments may seem frustrating at times, they can also allow people to voice their perspectives, add more information for readers to consider, or give people a way to celebrate their community together.

That’s why we’re bringing you Oil City Speaks, a selection of noteworthy reader comments from our local coverage. We appreciate that you care about your community and we want to take the time to recognize comments that stand out to us. We’ll also offer some fact-checking on comments.

We’re not here to police your comments or your views. Comment Guideline: We welcome comments expressing all points of views on our posts—positive and negative—but reserve the right to remove posts that contain inappropriate language, links to items for sale, hate speech, personal attacks, threats, or off-topic matters.

The post Oil City Speaks! ‘It’s a good place to live. Quit dissing North Casper’ appeared first on Oil City News.

ماغي فرح – برج الدلو الأسبوع الثاني من شهر شباط – فبراير ٢٠٢١ / Aquarius – Week 2 February 2021

ماغي فرح – برج الدلو الأسبوع الثاني من شهر شباط – فبراير ٢٠٢١
Maguy Farah – Aquarius Horoscope – Week 2 February 2021

20 كانون الثاني/ يناير/ January – 18 شباط/ فبراير/ February

مواليد الدائرة الأولى (من 20 إلى 31 كانون الثاني/ يناير/ January)
مواليد الدائرة الثانية (من 1 إلى 10 شباط/ فبراير/ February)
مواليد الدائرة الثالثة (من 11 إلى 18 شباط/ فبراير/ February)

شاهد التوقعات الكاملة لـ الدلو ٢٠٢١ – Watch the Yearly Aquarius Horoscope for 2021

شاهد كل التوقعات للعام ٢٠٢١ – Watch the yearly horoscopes predictions for 2021

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Across Latin America, palm oil violations abound — with little accountability

  • Palm oil producers across four countries in Latin America are able to violate environmental safeguards with relative impunity, according to a recent investigation.
  • A team of Mongabay Latam journalists, Agencia Ocote (Guatemala), Contracorriente (Honduras) and La Barra Espaciadora (Ecuador) made 70 requests for information to Colombian, Ecuadorian, Honduran and Guatemalan authorities about environmental sanction processes launched against oil palm producers between 2010 and 2020.
  • Despite the difficulty of obtaining official information, the investigation revealed that the expansion of oil palm as a profitable industry that provides substantial employment in the region often wins out over complaints about the industry’s environmental problems by communities and NGOs

Palm oil producers across several Latin American countries have been the subject of complaints about their environmental practices, an analysis of official records has found, but these complaints rarely result in meaningful change in the industry.

Five Latin American countries are among the 10 largest palm oil producers in the world: Colombia ranks fourth, Guatemala sixth, Honduras seventh, Brazil ninth and Ecuador 10th. Together, they accounted for almost $55 billion in palm oil sales in 2020.

These countries share something else in common: Their expansive oil palm plantations are a significant cause of social and environmental grievances. A study published in the Journal of Rural Studies in January 2021 details the “conflicts between oil palm smallholders (often migrant settlers) and forest-dependent (indigenous and Afro-descendant) communities opposing this industry.”

Deforestation is another serious issue to varying extents in each country. A study published in the journal Science in 2018 identified monocultures, including oil palm, as one of the main drivers of forest loss worldwide.

How much of this deforestation is legal? How effectively do these countries oversee the industry and sanction it when necessary? And how can citizens and Indigenous communities know the environmental record of a company in their country?

A team of Mongabay Latam journalists, in partnership with media outlets from four of the world’s largest palm oil-producing countries — Colombia, Guatemala, Honduras and Ecuador — investigated the environmental impacts of the industry. Agencia Ocote (Guatemala), Contracorriente (Honduras) and La Barra Espaciadora (Ecuador) filed requests for all of the environmental sanctioning processes that the authorities in those countries have opened against palm oil companies, producers and processors between 2010 and 2020.

First among the findings was the level of secrecy with which the data are held and the resulting difficulty in accessing the information. In instances where it was possible to obtain a response, information was often incomplete or disaggregated. After verifying the information, we identified 231 cases, including environmental violations, complaints, and investigations in progress against companies and individuals in the four countries. Colombia had the most cases, according to the analysis, with 176. In general, most recurring sanctions were linked to noncompliance with environmental regulations and logging.

Worrying figures for the oil palm industry

During the six-month investigation, we filed 70 requests for information to official entities, and received 51 responses. Many of these responses could be summarized as, “The information isn’t systematized,” or simply said that no cases of environmental offenses had been registered in 11 years.

Once the information was collected, we used it to create a database, from which we identified 231 cases, including sanctions, complaints, and investigations currently in progress. After Colombia, Guatemala had the second-highest number of cases, with 48. Ecuador had six cases, and Honduras had one.

The analysis also revealed that 147 producers, including companies and individuals, were responsible for the 231 cases identified. Of these, 122 were from Colombia, 20 from Guatemala, four from Ecuador and one from Honduras.

The most common infractions were violations of environmental regulations (90 cases), logging (48 cases), and water diversion or water grabbing (42 cases).

The lack of transparency and access to information also played a key role in this investigation. For example, although it was possible to determine that some type of environmental impact arose in 197 cases, the exact details couldn’t be ascertained, even when the information was requested from authorities. Furthermore, in 141 cases, it wasn’t possible to determine the status of a sanctioning process (category: undetermined status), while in 37 cases, officials didn’t report whether an investigation had been initiated.

In 57 cases, it was only possible to confirm whether a producer was sanctioned, required to pay some form of environmental compensation, improve its production process, or was exonerated.

Similarly, in 96 of the case records obtained, the exact year in which the events occurred wasn’t reported, and in 12 cases, the name of the company or individual being investigated wasn’t mentioned.

The lack of such data, despite having been requested, demonstrates a potential gap in the ability of authorities to control and monitor the oil palm industry’s environmental practices.

In addition to the official information received, we made 20 more requests to social and environmental organizations working on oil palm-related issues. We also received complaints filed by communities, some of which were submitted to environmental authorities between 2010 and 2020. One of the most significant cases in Honduras involving a prominent palm oil company was based on a complaint filed with the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), the leading certifier of environmental and social sustainability standards for the industry.

“In general, environmental authorities in Latin America have relatively weak environmental management, monitoring and oversight systems or don’t receive adequate and necessary resources to operate,” said Pablo Pacheco, a senior forestry scientist with WWF’s Global Science Team and a research associate at the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR).

Pacheco was a co-author of the January 2021 study on the impact of oil palm on rural livelihoods and tropical forest landscapes in nine Latin American countries. He said there’s an urgent need to improve the region’s land-use monitoring systems so that producers who don’t comply with environmental regulations can be identified, investigated, and ultimately penalized.

“This is the minimum,” Pacheco said, “although it would be ideal to also monitor the types of practices that are being developed for crops, and [to have] scientific monitoring that is more intelligent … so that there is less dependence on creating new cultivation areas.”

Colombia and Guatemala: Agribusiness expansion

The oil palm industry has established itself as a prominent force in Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras and Guatemala, but it has done so differently in each country. According to the January 2021 study, Colombia and Guatemala are following “large-scale agribusiness-based expansion trajectories.” The study notes that in Colombia, 72% of the oil palm area is controlled by large-scale entrepreneurs. In Guatemala, that figure is 95%; smallholders ther control only 3%.

“The pre-eminence of large-scale agribusiness-based trajectories in Guatemala, Colombia, and Brazil is the result, to a large extent, of pre-existing unequal agrarian structures, land tenure regimes posing few obstacles to land concentration, and, in some cases, oil palm policies biased towards large-scale producers,” the authors write.

Colombia is Latin America’s leading oil palm producer, churning out almost double the output of Guatemala, the second-largest producer in the region, according to recent figures. A key case there involved Oro Rojo, a palm oil producer created in 2013 to increase production in the Magdalena Medio region. Just one year after Oro Rojo starting operations, the municipality of Sabana de Torres where the company is located became the second-largest producer of crude palm oil in Colombia. Its output increased from 41,000 metric tons in 2013 to more than 72,000 metric tons in 2014.

Of the three permits granted by the CAS, one of the environmental authorities in the department where Oro Rojo is based, two are under investigation, and one has resulted in a fine. The company is being investigated for contaminating streams that flow into the Paredes swamp, an important wetland complex in the Magdalena River Basin. Pollution by various industries, including palm oil, is affecting the West Indian manatee (Trichechus manatus), according to biologist Katherine Arévalo-González, co-author of a study on water quality in parts of the swamp frequented by manatees. The species is classified as vulnerable on the IUCN Red List.

James Murillo, another co-author of that study and executive director of Cabildo Verde, an environmental organization that has helped communities in the area to file complaints with the CAS, wrote in a report that human communities have also been impacted by the contamination of the streams that feed the swamp. “Discharges particularly occurred when it rained, but people still noticed because of the dark and foul-smelling water,” Murillo writes.

In spite of these complaints, the company continues to operate. Flor María Rángel, former director of the CAS, publicly acknowledged in 2016 that the actions of Oro Rojo and other palm oil companies merit suspensions, but that this wouldn’t happen because “socially, it is very difficult to suspend them because there are approximately 20,000 people working [for such companies], and the community survives on this work.”

With 48 cases, Guatemala has the second-largest number of records in the database, eight of which are complaints about companies belonging to Agroindustrias HAME S.A., one of the country’s most powerful palm oil conglomerates. It trades under the Regia brand and supplies palm oil to Nestlé, among others.

HAME has been accused of committing “ecocide,” diverting rivers, draining a lagoon, cutting down hectares of forest, and operating without having conducted environmental impact assessments. Despite these accusations, its companies have received few sanctions, with a fine issued in just one of the eight cases identified.

Julio González is an activist with the Madre Selva collective, an organization that investigates and provides legal support to communities on environmental issues in Guatemala. “The sanctions are laughable,” González said. “The environmental damage is irreparable. Ecosystems cannot recover.”

Raúl Maas, director of the Institute of Agriculture, Natural Resources and Environment at Rafael Landívar University in Guatemala, said that the sanctions are often minimal. Some companies prefer to pay a fine for not carrying out an environmental impact assessment rather than stopping work to complete one, as it means they can continue to operate regardless of whether they have complied with the requirement, Maas said.

In addition to the officially registered cases, civil society organizations responded to our requests for information, sharing 13 specific complaints against palm oil companies in Colombia and one in Guatemala.

Ecuador and Honduras: No information or sanctions

In Ecuador, the distribution of the palm oil industry is mixed: A small group of farmers control around one-third of the area under cultivation, and there are also 152 industrial plantations averaging 746 hectares (1,843 acres) each.

We identified six cases in Ecuador in our database of complaints for environmental noncompliance between 2010 and 2020. Two of these cases involve the company Energy & Palma, which has had tensions with Indigenous and Afro-descendant communities in the province of Esmeraldas for several years. The company has sued some residents of the Barranquilla community for blocking the access road to its plantations. In early September 2021, an Ecuadoran judge ordered several community leaders, who live in extreme poverty, to pay the company almost $200,000.

“We reject the judge’s decision because it violates our rights,” said Néstor Caicedo, president of the Barranquilla community. “The community is outraged, but we are staying calm. We hope that the higher authorities, who are in Esmeraldas or Quito, look at the abuse being committed against us.”

Several residents of Esmeraldas communities have complained about environmental problems in the area since the arrival of the company. “We used to drink water from there, and nothing happened,” said José Mina, president of the San Juan de Chillaví commune. “Now the children bathe and get bumps [on their skin], and their bodies itch. The fish arrive here dead.”

Criminalization is one of the main forms of attack against defenders of Indigenous, land and environmental rights. A report from the organization Front Line Defenders shows 27% of the 193 such attacks reported globally in 2020 related to detentions or arrests, and 17% were legal actions against these defenders. A 2020 report by the watchdog NGO Global Witness shows that 17 of the 227 murders of environmental leaders that it recorded worldwide in 2020 were linked to agribusiness, which is among the main threats to environmental defenders.

The number of scandals involving Energy & Palma have increased over the years. The company has since 2018 not answered Mongabay Latam’s requests for comment.

Accessing information about the palm oil industry in Ecuador remains a challenge. The Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock, the province governments of Los Ríos, Sucumbíos, Orellana and Guayas, and the offices of the ombudsperson in these provinces responded that they had no information on environmental sanctioning processes against palm oil producers. The prefecture of Esmeraldas, where 67% of Ecuador’s oil palm crops are grown, said that it keeps statistics, but didn’t share them with Mongabay Latam.

Community leaders say they can’t understand why no investigations are launched in response to their complaints. Pío Bravo, environmental director for the province of Sucumbíos, said in an interview for this investigation that no sanctions were imposed for small plantations. The province’s only producer was found to have misused pesticides and discharged polluted water into estuaries and wetlands because companies were not held to account for these violations, despite the fact that the authorities had identified these issues. Bravo said the most alarming part is that only 30% of the 960 palm oil companies in the province are trying to formalize themselves, and the three palm fruit collection centers are not controlled by provincial authorities.

“Unfortunately, we are not able to sanction things that are not regularized,” Bravo said. “We are making an action plan, but this is not immediate.”

Attempts to get similar information in Honduras met the same obstacles as in Ecuador. In Honduras, where the expansion of oil palm crops is driven largely by small-scale farmers who control 61% of the cultivated area, we could only identify one case of an environmental violation submitted to a national oversight entity. The complaint, filed against the company Aceites y Derivados S.A. (Aceydesa), alleged misconduct relating to the modification of property deeds to remove areas identified by the government as environmental protection areas, data falsification, bribery of workers and state entities, manipulation of scale systems for weighing palm fruit, and operating without environmental licenses. It was also investigated by the RSPO, but the case doesn’t appear in any state records.

We contacted the RSPO about the complaint, but no information was available because the case was ongoing. For its part, the company said it would provide all explanations to the RSPO. Despite the seriousness of the allegations, Honduran environmental authorities have not launched an investigation into Aceydesa. The case is complicated by the fact that one of the company’s founding partners has been a national party representative for the department of Colón since 1990. The representative was mentioned in a trial in the Southern District Court of New York for allegedly receiving bribes to protect drug traffickers shipping cocaine into the United States. He’s currently on a list of officials sanctioned by the United States under the Magnitsky Act, which was passed in 2012 to penalize foreign officials involved in human rights violations and crimes against humanity, and the recent Engel List, which sanctions officials from Central America implicated in high-level corruption.

For Pablo Pacheco of WWF and CIFOR, the shortcomings in the Latin American countries’ environmental controls are linked to “the economic vision of pushing agricultural frontiers and promoting the expansion of agriculture and livestock instead of containing it and improving efforts to strengthen these systems,” he said. “It is a somewhat delusional vision in which rural development is thought to depend on the expansion of agriculture at any cost.”

Pacheco said there’s some hope in ongoing discussions such as those taking place within the European Union to impose greater restrictions on commodities linked to deforestation, and thus reduce what they call “deforestation imports.” He said he also wants to see domestic and international markets put pressure on violators by only buying from producers with good environmental practices. “It is not just states that should penalized, but the markets too,” Pacheco said.

This cross-border investigation was coordinated by Mongabay Latam in partnership with Agencia Ocote (Guatemala), La Barra Espaciadora (Ecuador) and Contracorriente (Honduras). It was first published here on Mongabay’s Latam site on Nov. 9, 2021.

Lead editors: Alexa Vélez, María Isabel Torres and Antonio Paz.
Coordinator: Antonio Paz.
Research and database analysis: Gabriela Quevedo, Carmen Quintela, Alejandra Gutiérrez, José David López, Jennifer Ávila, María Clara Calle, Lizz Gabriela Mejía, Alexis Serrano and Diego Cazar.
Reporters: Carmen Quintela, Jennifer Ávila, Lizz Gabriela Mejía, María Clara Calle, Antonio Paz, Alexis Serrano and José David López.
Data visualization and design: Rocío Arias and Daniel Gómez.
Audience outreach: Dalia Medina and Alejandra Olguín.

Citations:

Castellanos-Navarrete, A., De Castro, F., & Pacheco, P. (2021). The impact of oil palm on rural livelihoods and tropical forest landscapes in Latin America. Journal of Rural Studies, 81, 294-304. doi:10.1016/j.jrurstud.2020.10.047

Curtis, P. G., Slay, C. M., Harris, N. L., Tyukavina, A., & Hansen, M. C. (2018). Classifying drivers of global forest loss. Science, 361(6407), 1108-1111. doi:10.1126/science.aau3445

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Celia Downes: New gym helps keiki grow both in and outside boxing ring | Honolulu Star-Advertiser

Tucked in the corner of a warehouse in Waipio is the area’s latest offering for young, restless bodies: 94Box, a keiki boxing and training gym with ambitions far bigger than the humble space it currently occupies.

The boxing ring fits snugly, wall to wall, in the back of the warehouse unit; the rest of the area is filled with training paraphernalia and a tall wooden frame adorned with 94Box’s six core values: education, knowledge, discipline, integrity, respect and courage. When kids (and adults too, during open gym) come to train, the two values overlooking their workouts are education and knowledge.

It might not have been intentional, but it fits the vision of gym co-owners Vince Longboy and Gee Viloria. They want to, as Viloria said a week after 94Box opened, “create a legacy for the kids” in their hometown and beyond.

That hometown is Waipahu, and if you’re putting “Viloria” and “Waipahu” and “boxing” together — you’re not wrong. But 94Box isn’t directly affiliated with Brian Viloria, the former world champion and 2000 Olympian who now works as a trainer in California, and younger brother Gee said he doesn’t want the gym to be “a Viloria gym.”

(Brian did come out for 94Box’s grand opening on the Fourth of July, and Gee said he offers advice and mentoring. But in-depth participation isn’t in the cards.)

The Vilorias and Longboy came up together working out at Waipahu Boxing Club, and for a time Gee Viloria and Longboy were angling to take over coaching there. They said their experience with the city’s parks department was a “waiting game” in which they waited … and waited … and waited for nearly two years.

In the meantime, Viloria and Longboy were training kids out of their home garages — a tricky prospect in the last year and half amid the pandemic. Viloria said doing so “sparked us to really think about opening up a private gym,” where they could welcome more youth and have, as Longboy said, the freedom to do what they wanted to do.

What the pair wants to do reaches beyond boxing. Longboy emphasized the gym’s position as a place where they as well as the other coaches, Mike Pacheco and Marvin Martinez, can offer guidance and mentorship to their young students.

“I always had a thought” about working with kids both in and outside the boxing ring, said Longboy, who noted his experience at the Youth Challenge Academy helped him after being a “wild child” himself and inspired him to want to give back and provide the same kind of guidance he received.

“It was meant for me to focus on the kids,” he said. He began looking into making his ideas a reality after returning home from the Marine Corps, which he joined after Youth Challenge.

Viloria agreed that “it’s time for our kids to shine,” and to that effect the 94Box team works with keiki of all ages. The gym offers a couple of ways to train, including a formal program for kids starting around age 8 and open gym time for both students and adults. It plans to field a competitive team and also, Longboy said, eventually will strive to add programs for other groups such as veterans, women and the elderly.

Longboy added that a nonprofit venture is in the works, too.

94Box’s first days open were long and busy, as Viloria and Longboy expected. But it was a positive experience, and the 94Box team looks forward to bigger things to come.

Viloria and Longboy have taken what they know and love — the sport of boxing — and are using it to give back to the community they know and love. It’s a winning formula, especially because kids get the most benefit of all.

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Capitola restaurateurs ask to keep parklets past Sept. 13 – Santa Cruz Sentinel

CAPITOLA — Due to a vote from the Capitola City Council last week, the outdoor patios created during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic will have to come down when the program expires Sept. 13. Business owners there, however, are calling for an extension.

Though vaccines have proven to be effective even against the Delta variant, restaurateurs have noticed that people are still most comfortable with sitting outside — an option they comfortably provide with parklets.

“With our (location) in Marina, we are already considering what we do there about masking,” English Ales owner Pete Blackwell said, highlighting the struggle of many local business owners considering their COVID-19 employee and customer protocols. “Do we only let vaccinated people sit inside and sit the unvaccinated people on the patio? Certainly, with the scare going on, it seems to me that it would be a smarter move to leave them open for a while.”

Besides good ventilation, warm, sunny weather that often visits the area during this time of year is attractive to customers.

“I’m very disappointed to take them down. These are the nicest months over here, September, October,” Britannia Arms owner Andy Hewitt said. “But I am looking forward to putting it back up if we get a permanent (parklet).”

Caruso’s owners Carlos and Melissa Pacheco feel that even a brief absence of the parklets would hurt their business in the coming months.

“Right now 75% of our customers prefer to sit outside. A lot of our customers want to start a petition to keep outside dining going, they don’t want it to go away,” Melissa Pacheco said. “They think it makes Capitola more unique than it was before when it was filled with cars.”

Capitola Community Development Director Katie Herlihy said this week that the city has received no formal requests to extend the dining beyond the expiration date.

“Council talked about the variant and how quickly things continue to change, so they may need to extend it again,” Herlihy said. “Before it expires on September 13, (council) could opt to extend it longer and outdoor dining could remain.”

Digging into designs

The council voted to keep the parklets through mid-September with the understanding that Herlihy and her team would be working to explore prototype designs that could be approved administratively in the future. Herlihy gave the example of the city of Los Gatos, which offers a few designs to businesses with small variations to create individuality.

“We are doing all of our research … and have no contractor yet. We are still brainstorming with (staff from) the city of Santa Cruz (to see) if we can partner,” Herlihy said, referencing Santa Cruz’s ongoing consideration of a similar program. “We are hoping to meet with them later this week.”

Herlihy hopes the local ordinance can be adopted by the end of September, at which time her staff can really work with the Coastal Commission to take the program to the finish. In her staff report, the director said she expected a Coastal Commission-certified ordinance in January 2022 that would allow parklets in up to 25 spaces in the Capitola village — a little less than half of what exists now.

“Our focus is creating a program that works for businesses (while) meeting concerns of the Coastal Commission,” Herlihy said. “They look at public parking spaces as coastal access because people can go and park. Turning them from public to private interferes with that access, but we’ve been thinking about (the fact) that as you convert public parking spaces you do give more opportunities for people to utilize those spaces over time.”

Herlihy continued to say that there’s a greater opportunity for public use because of the frequency at which more visitors and locals can dine in the village. Staff has also suggested allowing the public to use the parklets freely during certain hours of the day to offer more coastal access.

The business owners, who have had parklets up since they were allowed approximately one year ago, are interested in participating in the permanent parklet program.

“We’re on Capitola Avenue, so not on the waterfront. People on the waterfront have little patios out in the back facing the ocean so no one’s out on the street,” Blackwell, who shortly after his restaurant opened was closed and then solely serving people on the parklet, said. “It may not be a big deal to them, but to me it’s everything.”

Each has already invested money in basic but functional parklets and hope they can invest in a lasting structure that displays their institution’s originality.

“I understand bringing in building guidelines for people to follow but if you look downtown it’s hard to find two buildings that are the same … to make them all look the same would be like urban sprawl,” Blackwell said. “I have to have some kind of autonomy to highlight the business I have here. I’m in a former cottage, not a modern building. I sell English beers and try to give it a pub feel. It wouldn’t make sense to have something that doesn’t help that along.”

A streamlined process is fine with Hewitt.

“We’ve got quite a heavy investment, financially, to build a proper structure, which is no problem if we get a three-year lease like they’re talking about,” Hewitt said, referencing the currently preferred lease term of the council.

Instead of a waiting period with no parklets, the Pachecos propose leaving the parklets alone and having business people pay rent on the spaces until they have the finances to create fancier facilities with an outdoor deck, for example. A lot of businesses, including theirs, are still recuperating from revenue lost in 2020.

Herlihy said Thursday that no rent has been charged during the COVID-19 temporary program but $3,400 per spot annually — the estimated economic hit the city would take per parking stall if meters were inactive, staff reports show — with necessary Consumer Price Index adjustments.

“We have already invested so much in propane, lamp heaters, outdoor furniture and my husband is the one who maintains the whole spot we have outside… every day he makes it look even better,” Melissa Pacheco said. “What happens if (COVID) gets worse and indoor dining has to close? You have the possibility to have outdoor dining when they close it down. That’s our biggest concern.”

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